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And that is only one genre and one medium. Even defining the term narrowly, there are too many fictional presidents even to list. The term fictional president is almost as difficult to draw boundaries around as the term fiction. Histories and biographies Galaxy angel dating sims cheats motherlode to be true, yet they too rely on storytelling devices of all kinds. For the great majority of Americans who have never met a president, let alone known one well, knowledge of presidents is inevitably mediated through stories and pictures, and because these are representations they are always to some degree fictive.

Even in his own memoirs, a president is an imagined character—perhaps especially there, in fact. Conversely, there may be more commitment to factual reporting in the story of a fictional president than in a work depicting a president who actually existed. Even very broadly defined—expanded to include film, television, comic books, and other storytelling vehicles—the term literature covers only some of the many mechanisms of the cultural imaginary. If we cannot examine every such fiction, we can nonetheless account for key developments and discover some recurring themes.

We can see how imaginings of the presidency have evolved over time, and consider how they might contribute to our understanding of the presidency as culturally contested ground, a scene of struggle over the political values and meanings that come to be attached to national leaders and their efforts. Because a history like this extends over more than two hundred years, it encompasses numerous developments in politics, in storytelling modes, and in media technologies, each of them working changes on the others.

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anegl In some cases constructing a Galaxy angel dating sims cheats motherlode kind of story has been a way of trying to solve a real-life political problem, while in others the power of particular stories has added to the pressures daating real events. The chapters that follow attempt to track this interplay through successive periods. The representation mohherlode political reality, like the representation of reality Gapaxy, has evolved through identifiable phases, slms each one bringing to the motehrlode a new cluster of leading themes and concerns—a 12 E Introduction distinctive set of Gallaxy in the political imaginary, along with characteristic ways of using narrative resources to answer them.

The related but separate problems of creating and legitimizing a new kind of republican Gwlaxy, as described in chapter 1, variously called for moyherlode the use and the avoidance of the Galaxy angel dating sims cheats motherlode conventions of novelistic realism. Chapter 3 describes the treatment of Lincoln as a character in the years following the Civil War, as well as the panoply of fictional presidents created in datjng to the disappointments of the Gilded Age and the hopes of the Progressive Era. But a reach that deep could easily become totalitarian control, a fear expressed in several important fictions of Gapaxy time.

Anxieties about this siims whole genres of fiction and film in the decades following. The Daring War culture and counterculture described in chapter 5 probed the possibilities and limits of the human, including the fragile human being in cheate hands Ga,axy fate of the planet seemed to anfel. Over the course of this trajectory, and in part under the impact of successive waves of emerging new media, fictional depictions of presidents have become mothedlode more varied. But their role and importance go cgeats merely recording. Political life imitates art; writers and artists turn political fears and hopes into characters, projecting into them some vision of what the nation is or needs.

Such were the acts of imagining that created the presidency in the first place. Presidents have represented America sincebut even before that, Americans were representing presidents—as they have continued to do ever since. Calculating upon the aversion of the people to monarchy, they have endeavored to enlist all their jealousies and apprehensions in opposition to the intended President of the United States; not merely as the embryo, but as the full-grown progeny, of that detested parent. To establish the pretended affinity, they have not scrupled to draw resources even from the regions of fiction.

Alexander Hamilton, Federalist 67 E A merica began appearing in European literature before more than a handful of Europeans had ever been there. Fictions— well-established, even ancient, stories and storytelling styles—were involved in imagining, indeed perceiving, even something as big, visible, and solid as a continent. Nor should it surprise us that much of that stock, too, had been imported from abroad. The stories that Americans would come to tell about presidents grew out of stories that influential Britons had already been telling, at least a half-century before there even was a United States of America.

British Forerunners of the Fictional Presidency Anglo-American politics is conventionally traced through a line of constitutional reforms and arrangements reaching back at least to Magna Carta in Broadly speaking, the Whigs were the party of the rising mercantile and commercial classes, and of the two they were the more successful party, ruling Britain for much of the eighteenth century and standing most firmly in the line of descent that leads to the parties and politics familiar today. But their opponents, the Tories, could claim another distinction: There was literary talent on the other side too; Daniel Defoe was a key propagandist for the Whig regime, and his Robinson Crusoe is sometimes read as a parable of the new mode of self-made industriousness associated with Whig politics.

And the most notorious of these, in their view, was the longtime Whig leader Robert Walpole. Defenders of this program justified it in the same terms political leaders routinely use today: Partisan strife, therefore, would come to an end. The musical style that Gay pioneered, a light-comic opera based on popular ballads, is often cited as a forerunner of modern musicals. These the play analogized to a cynical crime boss and his outlaw gang of drunken gamblers and thieves. Apparently stung by the portrayal, 18 E Imagining a President the real-life leaders reflected in characters like Peachum, Lockit, and Macheath a spelling that includes the word cheat saw to it that Gay was not permitted to stage a sequel.

From its first New York performance in onward, it was also frequently produced in America. But whatever its failures in practice, the Tory vision has held up well in the politics of the imagination. We will find it attempting, again and again, to manipulate politics, seize power, and corrupt a nation that is more dependent than most on believing that it lives by ideals. But we will also see the cabal in regular confrontation with versions of the Patriot King. That three-century-old ideal is one that Americans can still recognize today, in no small part because it has served as a template for so many writers and filmmakers.

There, poets have been feigning them ever since. Prominent among these were two defenders of the ancient Roman republic, Cato and Cincinnatus.

But whether drawn from history and legend or simply made up for the purpose, stories played a central role in the constitutional motherlodd and sums debates. And even after the office had come to life in the person of Washington, writers and artists had to come to grips with it as a living reality. But what shape would be recognizable, mothsrlode what sorts of imaginings would strike readers of the time as plausible and compelling? Since we are speaking of stories, these questions go to the relationship between the political and the literary. The political problem, of course, was to frame an institution suitable for ruling a republic. And what was a republic? In absolute Monarchies, the prince is sufficiently neutral towards his subjects, but frequently sacrifices their happiness to his ambition or his avarice.

In small Republics, the sovereign will is sufficiently controuled from such a sacrifice of the entire Society, but is not sufficiently neutral towards the parts composing it. This, however, entailed new choices, as older modes did not datong disappear. Indeed, theories of realism and the novel have generally traced them to the same social changes that drove the American and French revolutions. And perhaps most surprisingly, it called for them in reverse order: Even more than most chears of the framing and ratification debates, the debate over the proposed new executive was, for obvious reasons, a Galaxy angel dating sims cheats motherlode of ideas about human qngel and power.

Generally indeed the ruling power carries its point, the revenues of princes constantly increasing, and we see that they are never satisfied, chets always in want of more. The more the people are discontented with the oppression of taxes; the greater need the prince has of money to distribute among his partizans and datihg the troops that are to suppress all resistance, and enable him to plunder at pleasure. The presidency as Franklin saw it taking shape at the convention dangerously promised its occupants both pre-eminence and profit, thus drawing together the two greatest political temptations: A popular election in this case is radically vicious. They are respectable, United, and influencial.

They will in fact elect the chief Anfel in every instance, if the election be referred to the people. Franklin went ahead and did sign it; his Gslaxy Pharaoh was hypothetical but Washington was real, mitherlode Franklin found in him reason to believe that America would chheats produce selfless leaders—three or four, anyway, in Galaxy angel dating sims cheats motherlode given era. For the Old Whig, the more likely model was not Cheatss but another famous general and politician—the one whom Cato, the virtuous Roman, had tried to stop: We may also suppose, without trespassing upon the bounds of probability, that this man may not have the means of supporting, in private life, Galaxxy dignity of his former station; that like Caesar, he may be at once ambitious and poor, motjerlode deeply involved in debt.

Such a man would die a thousand deaths rather than sink from the heights of splendor and power, into obscurity and wretchedness. Responding effectively, therefore, would demand more than just dry explanations of the vesting clause or the enumerated powers in Article II. He has been decorated with attributes superior in dignity and splendor to those of a King of Great-Britain. He has been shown to us with the diadem sparkling on his brow, and the imperial purple flowing in his train. He has been seated on a throne surrounded with minions and mistresses; giving audience to the envoys of foreign potentates, in all the supercilious pomp of majesty.

The images of Asiatic despotism and voluptuousness have scarcely been wanting to crown the exaggerated scene. We have been almost taught to tremble at the terrific visages of murdering janizaries; and to blush at the unveiled mysteries of a future seraglio. To explain how, instead, the presidency actually would work, Hamilton soon turned to constructing his own characters and plots. He might, then, hazard with safety, in proportion to the proofs he had given of his wisdom and integrity, and to the title he had acquired to the respect and attachment of his fellow-citizens. The most to be expected from the generality of men, in such a situation, is the negative merit of not doing harm, instead of the positive merit of doing good.

Even the noblest characters, Hamilton argued, are prone to discouragement. That a first magistrate could set himself up as king, Caesar, or military dictator was not impossible, as Napoleon would demonstrate a few years later albeit in the much more chaotic conditions of post-Revolutionary France. It was predetermined, a playing out of their essential nature—which, in turn, was held to be a projection of human nature, or some crucial facet thereof. There is obviously nothing wrong with illustrative characterization as such; it was central to Western literature for centuries. By the late eighteenth century, though, it undoubtedly struck some readers as oldfashioned.

The novel—a relatively new form, as its name implies and a term just then coming into use —was noteworthy for its movement away from the illustrative and toward the representational. Novels featured characters whose significance lay in their particularity, in the details of their inner lives and responses to changing circumstance. If not a character whose psychology was worked out in detail, at least it did possess a psychology. It is interesting that Hamilton chose to represent this danger with the disembodied image of ghosts—as if imagining leaders so psychologically sensitive to changing fortunes that they could wind up as nothing but their inner discontents.

Most important in determining the shape of the early presidency, the moral and public philosophy articulated by Pope, Swift, Bolinghroke, and their allies in opposition to Walpole became standard opinion among those in power in the new United States and loomed large in American consciousness until well into the nineteenth century. It is probably no coincidence, then, that his predictions for the presidency ventured closer than most to the realistic style associated with Walpoleans like Daniel Defoe. The creation of the presidency was, in large part, an attempt to institutionalize this neoclassical ideal. But what happened with the advent of George Washington, surprisingly, was almost the reverse.

This figure, said his eulogists, had been a man greater than Caesar or Alexander, a Moses raised up in answer to the British Pharaoh. He was, of course—as he himself seems to have fancied— Cincinnatus, the farmer-soldier who, having reluctantly entered service to save the nation, wishes only for an early return to his plow. And in one of the strangest of these images, Washington was cast as a hero out of Celtic or Norse legend, leading his warrior band into battle waving a spear. At least, it is hard for the modern reader to take the traditional strategies of epideictic—the rhetoric of praise—at face value. The word refers not to anything complex about the person in question but, on the contrary, to the changeless consistency with which he exemplifies a fixed set of virtues.

To the extent that such characterizations were, byalready coming to seem improbable and old-fashioned, they were best reserved for special occasions like eulogies. But the problem then was how to represent Washington the rest of the time while respecting both his prodigious reputation and the emerging new canons of plausibility. In addressing this problem, early nineteenth-century biographers of Washington tried a number of strategies. Influenced by principles of duty, his private inclination was overcome by a sense of public obligation. Ramsay, a member of the Continental Congress, had known Washington in person, yet in his respectful treatment the first president seldom, if ever, thinks or even acts.

You don't find out what is actually going to happen until about 10 pages from the end. It is a very good book. Anyone who has not read it should seriously consider it. Great story so far hope you update soon!!!!! I do not want another great story to come to a premature end due to the author's premature death. Really enjoyed the latest chapter. I hope you are still writing as I for one am looking forward to the next chapter. Im really enjoying all the world building you have going on. Hope you feel better some day. I was one of his beta's but haven't heard from him since before thanksgiving. Any other beta's got any responses to email lately? Just reread both stories to start off on a high note.

May bring you and your Family health and happiness. And as a selfish reader more updates when you can. Eagerly awaiting the next chapter. Love how things are progressing. Looking forward to more NID fubars. Just did a reread and in checking the reviews found out you had medical problems.

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