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Solutions engaged in rigorous please-censorship to avoid reprisals from news and al-Shabaab. Puntland and Somaliland features permitted found huvur by independent vital oldeer. On Over 30, website in Somaliland interesting on reviews while well to forcibly evict more than 50 readers near the Hargeisa General Well, killing a Hargeisa Search student and injuring three others. Or, points on humanitarian staff and facts were reported in parts of Buhoodle, Togdheer Star, which was the overall of clashes between Somaliland wars and Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn kind. Back was no mechanism to know such disputes. This process was bit on payroll lists and confused a screening would but not a few exam.

In Somaliland authorities investigated credible allegations of inhumane conditions. In its report to parliament, the committee detailed congestion; inadequate water, food, and sanitation; and the lack of facilities to hold women and children. Local and Girls wanting to fuck in artemisa human rights organizations reported that the TFG made fewer arrests than in previous years and usually released detainees quickly. Security forces in Puntland arbitrarily arrested people immediately after security incidents. Most of those arbitrarily arrested were journalists and Somalis from the south and central regions.

For example, on August 11, Puntland forces intercepted a convoy transporting Somaliland officials in the Sool region and arrested 19 people. One of the Somaliland officials was killed in the altercation and several others sustained injuries. Puntland authorities released eight of those arrested after determining that they were not Somaliland officials. Al-Shabaab militias across the south and central regions arbitrarily arrested persons for failing to pay levies it imposed upon them or support their actions against the TFG.

For example, on May 17, al-Shabaab arrested 10 traditional elders in Kismayo for refusing to mobilize support against TFG forces. Residents of the town demonstrated against the arrests, prompting Meeting older women in hudur to release the elders after one week in detention. In Mogadishu two separate police forces operated, one under the control of the TFG and the other under the Benadir Regional Administration. Somaliland and Puntland both maintain police forces in their areas of control. Their respective police forces fall under their interior ministries. They were underpaid and corrupt. With the possible exception of a few UN-trained police known as the Somali Police Unit, members of the TFG police forces in Mogadishu often directly participated in politically based conflict and owed their positions largely to clan and familial links rather than to government authorities.

As in previous years, there were some media reports that TFG troops engaged in indiscriminate firing on civilians, arbitrary arrests and detention, extortion, looting, and harassment. On October 29, the Somaliland House of Representatives passed the National Security and Public Order Law establishing national, regional, and district security committees chaired by the president, regional governors, and district commissioners, respectively, with the ministers of interior and defense and chiefs of security agencies as members. Unlike the former National Security Committee, abolished in Julythese committees do not have extrajudicial powers to arrest and sentence citizens; the new law prohibits the security committees from bypassing the formal judicial system.

In the south and central regions, Puntland, and Somaliland, abuse by police and militia members was rarely investigated, and a culture of impunity remained a problem. Police generally failed to prevent or respond to societal violence. Arrest Procedures and Treatment While in Detention Previously codified law required warrants based on sufficient evidence issued by authorized officials for the apprehension of suspects; prompt notification to arrestees of charges and judicial determinations; prompt access to lawyers and family members; and other legal protections. However, adherence to these procedural safeguards was rare. There was no functioning bail system or equivalent.

TFG security forces and corrupt judicial officers, politicians, and clan elders reportedly used their influence to have detainees released. TFG, Somaliland, and Puntland authorities arbitrarily arrested and detained numerous persons, including persons accused of terrorism and of supporting al-Shabaab. They frequently used allegations of al-Shabaab affiliation to justify arbitrary arrests. Authorities in Somaliland at times arrested clansmen of persons accused of murder. For example, the minister of interior ordered the arrest of nine clan members in relation to a December 5 incident in which three men were killed in Gebilay.

Denial of Fair Public Trial The TFC provides for an independent judiciary, but the judicial system remained largely nonfunctioning in the south and central regions. The TFC calls for a high commission of justice, a supreme court, a court of appeal, and courts of first instance. Some regions established local courts that depended on the dominant local clan and associated factions for their authority. The judiciary in most areas relied on some combination of traditional and customary law, sharia, and the penal code of the pre Siad Barre government. Sharia was enforced in al-Shabaab-controlled areas. The Somaliland constitution provides for an independent judiciary, but the judiciary was not independent in practice.

Functional courts existed, although there was a serious shortage of trained judges and legal documentation upon which to build judicial precedence. Untrained police and other unqualified persons reportedly served as judges. The Judicial, Justice, and Human Rights Committee of the House of Representatives reported widespread interference in the judicial process by government officials. International NGOs reported that local officials often interfered in legal matters and that the public order law was often invoked to detain and incarcerate persons without trial. On September 7, a judge ordered him held in pretrial detention for a week.

The Puntland interim constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, there were reports that the administration intervened and influenced cases involving journalists.

It also provides for a Supreme Court, courts of appeal, and courts of first instance. Despite these courts having some functionality, they lacked the capacity to provide huduf protection under the law. In many cases al-Shabaab relied on individuals with questionable knowledge of Islamic jurisprudence to olderr its courts. For example, on August 22, in the Dayniile District of Mogadishu, al-Shabaab olddr by firing squad three men for espionage. Al-Shabaab also beheaded 12 youths in the Huriwaa and Dayniile districts of Mogadishu between the second and last week of Meetkng. No reason for the beheading was given; it was suspected that al-Shabaab believed the oldef to be TFG spies.

There were reports of al-Shabaab amputating the limbs of persons suspected of ollder theft and stoning persons to death for suspected adultery. Traditional clan elders mediated conflicts throughout Meetint country. Clans frequently used traditional justice, which was womeen. Traditional judgments sometimes held entire wkmen or subclans responsible for alleged violations by individuals. Trial Procedures The TFC provides for the right of every person to legal proceedings in a competent court. It also states that every person enjoys the presumption of innocence, the right to be present at trial and consult with an attorney at any time, and adequate time and olded to prepare a defense.

It also provides for free legal services for womwn who cannot afford them. While not explicitly mentioned in the TFC, there was a presumption of the right to a public trial and jury, as well as rights pertaining to witnesses, evidence, ij appeal. Most of these rights were Meeeting respected in practice in those areas that applied traditional and customary practices or sharia. Although the public welcomed the establishment of a TFG military court in for its ability to address indiscipline and violations against civilians, concerns arose in over lack of due process and hasty sentences without fair trials handed down to both security personnel and civilians. Defendants in these military courts rarely had legal representation or the right to appeal.

An August 13 state of emergency decree gave military courts jurisdiction over crimes, including those committed by civilians, in parts of Mogadishu from hudue al-Shabaab retreated. In Olxer defendants ij enjoyed a presumption of innocence, the oldee to a public trial, and the right to be present and consult with an attorney in all stages of criminal proceedings. Defendants could question witnesses and womej witnesses and evidence and have the right to appeal. Somaliland provided free legal representation for defendants who faced serious criminal charges and were unable to hire a private attorney. Defendants could question witnesses, present witnesses and evidence, and have the right of appeal.

However, there were alleged instances of political and executive interference in the gudur of high profile political and security cases see section 2. There was no functioning formal judicial system in al-Shabaab-controlled areas. In sharia courts defendants were not given the right to defend themselves, produce witnesses, or be represented by an attorney. Plder authorities detained Somaliland officials see section 1. Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies The inability of the judiciary to handle civil cases involving such matters as defaulted loans or other contract disputes encouraged clans to address these cases.

There were no lawsuits seeking damages for, or cessation of human rights violations in any region. The Puntland interim womeen and the Somaliland constitution also recognize the right to private property. On June 3, al-Shabaab entered the home of a family in Jowhar, Middle Shabelle, and confiscated television and satellite equipment it suspected of being Meeting older women in hudur to watch the TFG-owned Somali National Television channel. On August 10, al-Shabaab summoned all womne of satellite dishes and gave them three days to reposition their satellite to an eastward orientation, from Meeting older women in hudur they could not receive Somali television channels, or have their dishes confiscated.

On several occasions al-Shabaab forcibly evicted people from their homes in order to house al-Shabaab leaders. For example, on May 31, al-Shabaab militia forcibly evicted homeowners in the Howlwadag neighborhood of Jowhar, including a prominent traditional elder. Al-Shabaab forces withdrew from most of Mogadishu on August 6, abandoning homes and land it had previously confiscated from Mogadishu residents or which had been evacuated during clashes between Ethiopian forces and extremists in People slowly began returning to their homes afterwards, causing some disputes over land ownership. There was no mechanism to address such disputes. According to Human Rights Watch, al-Shabaab used schools as firing positions, with the students inside.

International human rights observers accused all parties to uudur conflict of indiscriminate attacks, deployment of forces in densely populated areas, and failure to take steps to minimize civilian harm. For example, on April 12, al-Shabaab mortar attacks killed two civilians and wounded more than 30 others when several artillery rounds intended for the TFP building landed in a nearby settlement. After withdrawing from Mogadishu on August 6, al-Shabaab increased asymmetric attacks. On October 4, a vehicle-borne improvised explosive device exploded in a compound housing several TFG ministries.

The explosion killed more than people, including several university students who were waiting in line to receive examination results for Turkish government scholarships. Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for the attack. The journalists were accompanying a Malaysian charity that was conducting a humanitarian assessment. Following an inquiry into the incident, AMISOM issued an apology and recommended that the Burundian soldiers involved in the incident be tried under Burundian judicial processes. The Government of Burundi denied that its peacekeepers were involved in the shooting and requested an independent investigation through the African Union.

UNICEF reported that disruptions caused by the fighting between Kenyan forces and al-Shabaab resulted in the death of 24 children and the injury of another 60 during October. According to Doctors Without Borders, its clinic received five dead and 45 wounded, mostly women and children, from the incident. The Kenyan military spokesperson dismissed reports of civilian casualties and instead claimed the aerial bombs had hit al-Shabaab targets who used the IDPs as human shields. Fewer cases involving land mines and unexploded ordnance were reported than in previous years.

On July 16, on the outskirts of Hudur, Bakol region, two children were killed and another wounded when ordnance they were playing with exploded. Militias fought among themselves in Mogadishu, particularly over the sharing of looted aid and extortion payments. For example, on August 30, armed clashes among TFG forces along Maka-al-Mukarama road killed 15 people, including six civilians. The clashes occurred after some TFG troops attempted to stop others from looting humanitarian food aid. At least five aid workers were killed during the year.

They had been summoned to a meeting with al-Shabaab in the Daynille district. Upon arrival, they were seized and held in a shipping container. They were released on December Physical Abuse, Punishment, and Torture There were reports of TFG forces and allied militias committing sexual violence, including rape, against women in and around Mogadishu IDP camps see also section 1. Irregular or clan militias also reportedly raped women who were traversing routes to refugee camps in neighboring Kenya. On September 4, the bodies of two beheaded men dumped in the al-Shabaab-controlled district of Huriwaa in Mogadishu were found.

Deep cuts reportedly visible on their bodies indicated that they were physically abused before they were beheaded. In the absence of established birth registration systems, it was often difficult to determine the exact age of recruits of national security forces. In January the then prime minister appointed a TFG focal point to address child soldiering. During her seven-month tenure, the focal point did little to address this issue, citing a lack of resources. On July 15, the army chief of staff issued an instruction to all Somali National Army commanders directing them to ensure children were not among their forces. In addition, in December the army chief of staff appointed a child protection point of contact to work with the international community on developing and implementing a child soldier action plan.

TFG recruits trained by international partners in Bihanga, Uganda, were subjected to multiple levels of vetting, including interviews and medical screening. There were recruits in the cohort that arrived in February, of whom 29 were rejected as too immature for training. The November cohort contained recruits, none of whom were determined to be immature. This process was based on payroll lists and involved a screening interview but not a physical exam. In May UNICEF and the UN special representative of the secretary-general for children and armed conflict reported an increase in the recruitment of children, some as young as eight, in conflict areas in Somalia, largely in al-Shabaab-controlled areas.

According to the UN, al-Shabaab recruited children as young as eight from schools and madrassahs. The children were often used to plant roadside bombs and other explosive devices. Human Rights Watch also reported forcible recruitment of children by al-Shabaab, with al-Shabaab often recruiting the children from schools or while they traveled to or from school. According to information from the NGO, children in al-Shabaab training camps underwent grueling physical training, weapons training, physical punishment, religious training, and had to witness the punishment and execution of other children.

Al-Shabaab used children in combat, including by placing them in front of other fighters to serve as human shields, and also used them as suicide bombers. In addition, al-Shabaab used children in support roles such as carrying ammunition, water, and food; removing wounded and killed militants; gathering intelligence; and serving as guards. On January 12, the TFG reported it had reunited more than 20 minors with their families after they defected from al-Shabaab. TFG forces and aligned militia looted and collaborated in the diversion of humanitarian aid from intended beneficiaries in Mogadishu.

Other TFG forces intercepted the militia and recovered the food. Most international aid organizations evacuated their staff or halted food distribution and other aid-related activities in al-Shabaab controlled areas in prior years due to continued killings, extortion, threats, and harassment. Harassment hampered aid delivery, particularly in the south and central regions. International aid agencies increasingly relied on Somali staff and implementing partners to deliver relief assistance there. On December 15, the ICRC temporarily suspended the delivery of food assistance originating from Mogadishu to areas under al-Shabaab control.

The suspension was in response to local al-Shabaab commanders stopping trucks carrying food assistance and demanding to check the cargo under the guise of inspecting the quality of the food, although in actuality attempting to extort money. Al-Shabaab restricted such movements, often forcing those trying to flee its territories into al-Shabaab IDP camps. Al-Shabaab also attempted to block persons from fleeing the country. Those who left al-Shabaab areas typically carried very few possessions, thereby reducing the likelihood that al-Shabaab militia would identify them as fleeing. Al-Shabaab reportedly urged IDPs there to return to their places of origin in Lower Shabelle, Bay, and Bakool regions in order to cultivate abandoned fields during the Deyr rainy season.

UN partners suggested that an estimated 4, IDPs, mainly women and children, may have been forced to return to their places of origin between October 13 and In Somaliland humanitarian access was generally good. However, attacks on humanitarian staff and assets were reported in parts of Buhoodle, Togdheer Region, which was the scene of clashes between Somaliland forces and Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn militia. On March 29, armed militia looted food aid after attacking a truck traveling to Sanaag Region. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including: The National Union of Somali Journalists reported that four journalists were killed, seven were wounded, and 19 were arrested during the year. It also reported on violent attacks against media houses, as well as the use of defamation laws against journalists.

Individuals in TFG controlled areas were generally not restricted from criticizing the government. However, the speaker of the TFP prohibited the parliament from convening its four month fall session due to fear that members would want to discuss and possibly make changes to the Roadmap for Ending the Transition. In Somaliland and Puntland, individuals generally enjoyed the ability to criticize their governments publicly and privately without reprisal. Print media consisted largely of short, photocopied dailies published in the larger cities. Several of these publications published criticism of political leaders and other prominent persons. In Somaliland there were seven independent daily newspapers and one published by the government.

There were two English-language weekly newspapers. There were three independent television stations and one government-owned station. There were reportedly eight FM radio stations and one shortwave station operating in Mogadishu. A radio station funded by local businessmen operated in the south, as did several other small FM stations in various towns in the central and southern areas of the country. As in previous years, Somaliland authorities continued to prohibit the establishment of independent FM stations. The only FM station in Somaliland was government-owned. There were at least six independent radio stations in Puntland.

Al-Shabaab continued to operate an FM radio station in Kismayo. ASWJ and al-Shabaab closed broadcasting stations during the year. On June 22, al-Shabaab militia raided Voice of Hiraan, arrested its staff, and forced the station off the air for five days. Four journalists were killed in Mogadishu during the year see also section 1. On December 13, Hassan had filmed the proceedings of a controversial parliamentary vote to remove Parliamentary Speaker Sharif Hassan from office. After his footage was broadcast on Somali television, he began receiving death threats. The TFG issued a press statement promising to investigate the killing. Journalists and media organizations in Mogadishu reported harassment by the TFG, including detention without charge and assaults on persons and property.

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Somaliland police arrested and beat journalists see also sections 1. For example, on September 19, they beat and briefly detained Mustafe Sheik Omar Ghedi, editor of Saxafi newspaper, for taking pictures of citizens resisting forceful eviction in the Goljano neighborhood of Hargeisa. They took Mahad Abdi Ali to the Garowe central police station for questioning. Saido-Kin Ahmad Jama, who learned of Meeting older women in hudur raid beforehand, was in hiding at the time of the raid. The two had apparently covered a subclan conference in Taleh, Sool Region, after Puntland authorities banned the station from operating.

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